翻訳 58 (w)

 https://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%AE%89%E4%BF%9D%E9%97%98%E4%BA%89

The Anpo Protests (安保闘争, anpo tо̄sо̄), sometimes called the Anpo Struggle or Ampo Struggle, refers to a movement that opposed the US-Japan Security Treaty (or 'Anpo'), that also encompassed anti-government and anti-American movements, and the accompanying large scale demonstrations that occurred between 1959 and 1960, and again in 1970. Participants included members of the National Diet, workers, students and citizens, as well as left wing and The New Left activists. It is also referred to as the Anpo Uprising (安保騒動) by ruling government parties, such as the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) [1].

During the Anpo Protests of 1960, the US-Japan Security Treaty was forced through the National Diet, though this action ultimately led Prime Minister Kishi to take responsibility for the unrest and resign. In 1970, the intensified conflict and violence of the protests as well as the divisions of the left that had participated in the protests led to a loss of support from intellectuals and the general public.

1 Global context of the 1960s

2 US-Japan Security Treaty

3 1960s

3.1 Process up until passage through the House of Representatives

3.2 Intensification of unrest

3.2.1 The Hagerty Incident and death of Kanba Michiko

3.3 After the default passage of the treaty

3.4 Aftermath

3.4.1 Soviet activities

3.5 Evaluation

4 1970s

Global context of the 1960s

The latter half of the 1960s was a time of mass protests and activism across the world. In the United States, there was a growing anti-war movement opposed to the prolonged and chaotic Vietnam War, and in France there was student-led civil unrest known as May 68. In China, the Cultural Revolution reached fever pitch and in Mexico, the Tlatelolco Massacre occurred on October 2, 1968. With the Tet Offensive in Vietnam, military intervention by Warsaw Pact members in Czechoslovakia (Prague Spring), the Olympics in Mexico, and rapid economic growth in the West, societies of this era were subject to great excitement and great turmoil. Across the world, those in power as well as the very nature of that power were called into question by the masses, who demanded a greater awareness of the issues of the day. The Anpo Protests were one part of this mass movement and in line with that global trend, casting an indelible shadow over the future of Japan's popular culture, thought and consciousness.

US-Japan Security Treaty

On September 8, 1951, in San Francisco, United States, a peace treaty called the “Treaty of San Francisco” was signed between Japan and the 47 Allied Powers of World War Two, including the United States and the United Kingdom. At the same time, Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru signed the “Security Treaty between the United States and Japan,” which was based on a special agreement that had been incorporated into the peace treaty. According to this treaty, of the allied forces, only the United States would be able to continue to station troops in Japan as “US Forces in Japan.” [2] The Soviet Union, which at the time was facing off in the Cold War against so-called Western countries, such as the United States, United Kingdom and France, expressed its opposition to the San Francisco peace treaty, which was led by Western countries, and subsequently was not one of the 49 countries that signed the treaty. The Soviet Union also leveled harsh criticism towards the US-Japan Security Treaty, making it a hypothetical enemy (see Soviet threat theory).

1960s

Process up until passage through the House of Representatives

Negotiations about the revision of the security treaty signed in 1951 began around 1958 in Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke's LDP cabinet. In January 1960, the Kishi delegation visited the US and met with President Dwight D Eisenhower, with discussions resulting in an agreement to sign a new security treaty and to schedule a presidential visit to Japan. This new treaty, called 'The Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between Japan and the United States of America' (日本国とアメリカ合衆国との間の相互協力及び安全保障条約), was signed on January 19.

The new security treaty

1. removed a previous clause about civil war

2. included a statement of the joint defence of the US and Japan (in exchange for the US army protection of Japan, the Japan Self-Defence Force (SDF) and US Forces in Japan will jointly defend US Forces in Japan in the event of an attack)

[There have been many counterarguments that the defence of US Forces is not explicitly stipulated]

3. established a system of prior consultation between the governments of both countries regarding the deployment and equipment of US Forces in Japan.

The security treaty was a revision of a treaty that had been simply concerned with the provision of bases to the US military to a more equal treaty with obligations for both Japan and the US to defend each other. There are people who disagree with this assessment, and argue that there is no such joint defence obligation. When Prime Minister Kishi returned to Japan, the deliberations in the Diet over the ratification of the new treaty were subject to a sit in protest by the Socialist Party of Japan, which advocated the scrapping of the new security treaty. Before the treaty was ratified, there was an increasing opposition movement against it, with concerns that due to the reforms, there would be an increased risk of Japan being drawn into war, as well as criticism of the diplomatic immunity granted to US Forces in Japan derived from a secret agreement about the renunciation of jurisdiction concerning acts committed by US Forces in Japan while on duty. Zengakuren (or The All-Japan Federation of Students' Self-Governing Associations), while being led by the Communist League (or Bund), an organization established by radical students who defected from the Communist Party after criticism from Stalin, spared no effort on opposition protests to the treaty, with their slogan, “defeat the treaty, or defeat for the Bund.”

With the end of World War Two still in recent memory, the public reacted strongly against the idea of war and there was opposition from many citizens, who felt the US-Japan Security Treaty would drag Japan into American wars, as well as taking issue with diplomatic immunity granted to US Forces in Japan. Animosity towards Prime Minister Kishi, who had been a cabinet minister in the cabinet of Tо̄jо̄ Hideki (the Prime Minister of Japan who served during the majority of World War Two), was also a factor. Capitalizing on this were the established revolutionary forces of the Socialist Party of Japan and Japanese Communist Party, which aimed to bolster the movement by mobilizing all of their members within their organizations, as well as the General Council of Trade Unions of Japan, which called several time-limited strikes in opposition to the treaty under the banner of “Opposition to the Treaty.” The General Council of Trade Unions of Japan took a flippant stance on the tactics of the Zengakuren forcibly entering the National Diet, while the Communist Party in particular criticized the Zengakuren as “blanquist” (i.e. a Trotskyist group [3]). In response, Zengakuren attacked established political parties for their moderate protests, which it described as “burning incense demonstrations.” Ivan Kovalenko, as deputy chief of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union's International Department, engaged in work to separate Japan from influence of the United States, and in his book, “Recollections of Activities Against Japan,” he stated that, under the leadership of the politician Mikhail Suslov, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union's International Department “provide[d] considerable assistance” to the so called “Japanese democratic forces” of the Socialist Party, Communist Party, General Council of Trade Unions of Japan and so on, and at the time of the Anpo Protests, the deputy chief of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union's International Department and affiliated organizations maintained close contact with those “Japanese democratic forces.” [4]

On May 19, the new draft treaty was forced through the House of Representatives Special Committee on the US-Japan Security Treaty, and on May 20, passed through a plenary session of the House of Representatives. At the time of the committee vote, Socialist Party Diet members conducted a sit in protest, and in response, the LDP mobilized strong right wing youths as public secretaries to assist alongside the police in their removal. These efforts to rush the treaty through were made so that it would pass automatically before the scheduled visit of President Eisenhower on June 19. The Socialist Party and Democratic Socialist Party members were absent from the session, as well as lawmakers from the LDP, including Ishibashi Tanzan, Kо̄no Ichirо̄, Matsumura Kenzо̄ and Miki Takeo, who were also absent in protest at the forcing of the treaty through the House.

Intensification of unrest

The nature of its passage through the House was seen by many as the “destruction of democracy,” and escalated opposition to the treaty, even among the general public. Protesters surrounded the Diet Building every day and the struggle continued to intensify. Opposition to the treaty gradually began to take on an increasingly anti-government and anti-American tone. In response, Prime Minister Kishi judged that police and right wing support organizations alone could not suppress the protesters, and so turned to Kodama Yoshio, a prominent figure within organized crime, and sent Hashimoto Tomisaburо̄, the head of the party's “Welcome Ike” committee within the LDP, on a mission to meet with violent Yakuza gangs. As a result, the leader of Yakuza organization Matsuba-kai Fujita Uichirо̄, head of Kinsei-kai (now Inagawakai) Inagawa Kakuji, head of Sumiyoshi-kai Sekigami Yoshimitsu and Odzu Kinosuke of Kantо̄ Odzugumi (operators of “Shinjuku Market”) all agreed to lend their services to suppress the protesters.

He also asked three right wing coalitions to become action forces: the All-Japan Council of Patriotic Organization, composed of gangs and right wing organizations; Japan Gо̄yū-kai, which included people who had been wartime ultranationalists; and Shin Nippon Kyо̄gikai, set up by Prime Minister Kishi in 1958 and spearheaded by Kimura Tokutarо̄. At the time, the Far Eastern Economic Review wrote,”He persuaded gamblers, gangs, blackmailers, racketeers and leaders of the underworld, creating an 'effective opposition' that would ensure Eisenhower's safety. The final plan required 18,000 gamblers, 10,000 racketeers, 10,000 former military personnel and right wing religious group members. Prime Minister Kishi asked Ikeda Daisaku, who had only just been sworn in as President of Sо̄ka Gakkai [Japanese Buddhist religious movement], for his cooperation, in exchange for Ikeda's acquittal in his case in Osaka, but this was refused [5]. The government provided opposition forces helicopters, small aircraft, trucks, vehicles, food, headquarters, the aid of the ambulance service and 'activities funds' of around 800 million yen ($2.3 million USD).”

Three ex-prime ministers (Ishibashi Tanzan, Higashikuni Naruhiko and Katayama Tetsu) advised Kishi to resign. Kishi proclaimed that, “Though it may be noisy around the Diet building, it's business as usual in Ginza and Korakuen Stadium. I can hear the voiceless [will of the silent majority].” [6]

The Hagerty Incident and death of Kanba Michiko

“The Hagerty Incident” occurred on June 10, 1960, when President Eisenhower's Press Secretary James Hagerty arrived at Tokyo International Airport (Haneda Airport) on a trip to discuss President Eisenhower's visit to Japan. The protesters surrounding the airport circled the car Hagerty was in until it was immobilized, leading to Hagerty needing to be rescued by a US Marines helicopter.

On June 15, gangs and right wing organizations attacked protesters, resulting in great numbers of injuries, and at the main gate of the Diet Building, there was also a large scale conflict between riot police and protesters who had broken through the gate, resulting in Kanba Michiko, a student at the University of Tokyo, being crushed to death. Shima Hiromi, a reporter for the only station in Tokyo reporting live, Radio Kantо̄ (present day RF Radio Nippon), also sustained injuries after being hit by a baton. Once the death of Kanba Michiko reached the Zengakuren protest rally on the premises of the Diet Building, a group of students became violent and set fire to police vehicles. These events led to 400 students being injured, 200 people being arrested, and over 300 police officers being injured [7]. According to the organizers, around 330,000 people participated in the demonstration in front of the Diet Building, while according to the Tokyo Metropolitan Police, there were 130,000 [8].

At 1.30am on June 16, Prime Minister Kishi issued a statement after an emergency cabinet meeting, written by Watanabe Tsuneo, who at the time was political reporter for the Yomiuri Shimbun. He took up the task at the request of Fukumoto Kunio, Chief Cabinet Secretary, at the Secretary's office [9].

“This latest violence brought by the Zengakuren is nothing more than an attempt to destroy democratic parliamentary politics and overturn our current social order by means of violent revolution, and is a manipulation by the machinations of international Communism that is unacceptable to the vast majority of citizens. We believe that, for the first time, true peace and prosperity will be built on the foundation of freedom and democracy, and we therefore categorically denounce and will not yield to violence that seeks to destroy that, for we choose to protect the stability of civilian life. Therefore, security authorities will take whatever measures needed to deal with planned violent activities. I ask also of you, the citizens of Japan, to understand the true nature of what lurks behind this deplorable event and to cooperate with us in this matter.”

Amid continued violent protests, Prime Minister Kishi asked Akagi Munenori, Director General of the Defence Agency, to deploy the Ground Self Defence Force in a public security operation from June 15 to 18. Although preparations for deployment were made in the Tokyo area at all army posts, Ishihara Kanichirо̄, National Public Safety Commission Chairman, opposed the idea, and Akagi Munenori, Director General of the Defence Agency, denied the request to dispatch personnel [10], thereby avoiding the first deployment of the SDF to maintain the peace.

After the default passage of the treaty

The treaty passed by default on June 19, without a decision by the House of Councilors. Again, Eisenhower's trip to Japan was postponed (or in effect, canceled). On June 23, the day the new security treaty was ratified, the mass resignation of the Kishi cabinet was announced, in an effort to take responsibility for the unrest and defuse the crisis. On July 14, the day before his resignation came into effect, Prime Minister Kishi was attacked, sustaining serious injuries. The culprit allegedly had connections to politician О̄no Banboku, and instead of the security treaty, his motive was Kishi's apparent reneging on a secret pact to transfer political power to О̄no.

While the 1960s Anpo Protests resulted in unprecedented demonstrations, the protests demanding the overthrow of the government were increasingly motivated by public distaste of Prime Minister Kishi, a bureaucrat who had served in the pre-war Tо̄jо̄ cabinet and been a suspected Class A war criminal, and animosity towards his political style. Demonstrations motivated purely by opposition to the revision of the security treaty took up less and less of the movement, so much so that after the resignation of the Kishi cabinet and establishment of the Ikeda Hayato cabinet on July 19, the protest movement abruptly receded. With the Ikeda Hayato cabinet's proposal of the Income Doubling Plan and the Socialist Party also responding with economic policies, public discourse began to emerge from the dominance of the Anpo Protests.

In July and August Prefectural Governer elections, the Socialist Party suffered a crushing defeat in Aomori, Saitama and Gunma Prefectures (Yamazaki Iwao, Kurihara Hiroshi and Kanda Konroku were elected). Even in the general election, there was a sense of the LDP having won an overwhelming victory. The assassination of Chairman of the Socialist Party Asanuma Inejirо̄ on October 12 again shook the government, though Prime Minister Ikeda succeeded in subduing any unrest. In the November 20 general election, the LDP achieved a resounding victory, winning 300 seats including independents [11], partly due to a flood of Socialist Party and Democratic Socialist Party candidates. It was a sign of the public's approval of the revision of the security treaty, and in the over half a century since, further security treaty revisions or repeal of the treaty altogether have not featured on the political agenda.

Aftermath

Although protesters were unable to stop the security treaty, their success in achieving the resignation of the cabinet is seen as a significant achievement. Students were at the heart of the movement, and their anti-establishment movement was spurred on by the subsequent anti-Vietnam War protest movement, leading to a series of student protests in Japan in 1968. Radical students were left with a strong sense of frustration, including the Communist League (or Bund) who summarized the Anpo Protests as a defeat. Karо̄ji Kentarо̄, one of the leaders of Zengakuren, pulled back from the movement immediately after the end of the Anpo Protests, and others such as Kо̄yama Kenichi and Morita Minoru underwent a change of politics. The end of the protests ushered in a season of reorganization within The New Left, with the start of a disorganized split in the Communist League, and a number of the leaders of Zengakuren such as Kitakо̄ji Satoshi and others converting from the Communist League to the Japan Revolutionary Communist League, National Committee.

The Anpo Protests materialized some degree of opposition and backlash to parliamentary politics itself. However, with the defence of parliamentary politics being used as the foundation of the “Seven Company Collective Declaration,” a joint statement made by seven media outlets, the tone of denying parliamentary politics as an idea virtually disappeared within the mainstream mass media. It is also noteworthy that the Anpo Protests did not result in the transfer of political power away from the ruling LDP at the general election, and indeed had little impact on the election results.

On February 26, 1963, the Tokyo Broadcasting System (TBS Radio) broadcast a program composed of interviews called, “Distorted Youth: The Fighters of Zengakuren and What Came Next.” The program revealed that at the time of the Anpo Protests in 1960, Zengakuren received financial support from Tanaka Seigen, leader of the Japanese Communist Party before World War Two, and who, at the time of the protests, was managing a construction company while engaging in anti-communist right wing activities. Specifically involved were Leader of Zengakuren Karо̄ji Kentarо̄, Vice Secretary General Tо̄hara Yoshinobu, Head of Joint Ventures Hiromu Kojima and Chairman of the Socialist Students' League Shinohara Koichiro. As a result, the Japanese Communist Party claimed that, “The Bund Zengakuren's true identity as a provocateur has been exposed,” while calling The New Left a “phony left wing and violent group,” and refusing to acknowledge them as left wing.

At the time of the Anpo Protests, Prime Minister Kishi initially planned to enlist Sо̄ka Gakkai members to confront protesters by making a deal with Chairman Ikeda Daisaku to deliver a not guilty verdict in his Osaka case, but as Chairman Ikeda refused Kishi's request, Kishi instead relied on right wing gangsters like Kodama Yoshio. It has been said that as a result of mobilizing these gangs, the relationship between the right wing and antisocial forces such as gangs deepened, and even led to a blurring of the distinction between the two, as a number of gangs publicly encroached into right wing activities, acting as they were right wing organizations, political organizations and so on [12].

Soviet activities

The Soviet Union took the revision of the security as a challenge to itself, and as mentioned above, provided a great deal of support for the opposition demonstrations conducted by the Socialist Party, Communist Party and General Council of Trade Unions of Japan. Alongside this, on January 27, 1960, the Soviet Union demanded the withdrawal of foreign troops from the whole of Japan [13], and made this an additional condition to the Japan-Soviet Joint Declaration of 1956, which assured the transfer of the Habomai/Khabomai Islands and Shikotan Island to Japan on conclusion of a Peace Treaty. According to the Sankei Shimbun, KGB spies that infiltrated embassies in Japan and trade delegations after the restoration of diplomatic relations between Japan and the Soviet Union and sleeper Soviet Union spies that penetrated many organizations such as the Socialist Party of Japan, labor unions and so on, conducted espionage activities in support of the Soviet Union's intention to prevent the revision of the security treaty, resulting in an expansion of the anti-security treaty movement [14].

Evaluation

Although assessments of the new security treaty and the Anpo Protests of the 1960s differs depending on political persuasion, the new security treaty has already endured for over half century. The end of the Cold War meant a dilution of the meaning of the security structure as deterrent against the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc countries, though now it exists as a Japan-US military alliance to stand against China and North Korea, which have surfaced as new military threats of north east Asia, and continues with new significance in maintaining US military presence in regions east of Turkey and so on. It is fully established as the foundation of Japan's political and military systems, and the concern often cited in 1960 as a reason for opposition to the revision of the security treaty, of it resulting in a greater danger of Japan being pulled into war, is barely heard in the present day.

In July 1994, with the establishment of the Murayama cabinet, Chairman of the Socialist Party of Japan and Prime Minister Murayama Tomiichi stated in his general policy speech in the Diet that he would maintain support for the US-Japan Security Treaty [15]. Even at the time of the coalition government in 2009, which saw an alliance between the LDP, Socialist Democratic Party and People's New Party (Hatoyama Yukio cabinet), Party leader Fukushima Mizuho of the Socialist Democratic Party (the successor to the Socialist Party of Japan), did not show any clear opposition for the security treaty after joining the cabinet, and a number of left wing groups have also shown acceptance of the security treaty within the Diet.

That said, in terms of the Ospreys used by US Forces within Japan, the relocation of a military base to Henoko (Camp Schwab) proposed by the US, and a new “collective use of self defence” version of the US-Japan Security Treaty strongly supported by the US [16], left wing camps including Fukushima adopt an oppositional stance.

In 1960, a critical tone towards the US-Japan Security Treaty was commonplace in mainstream media [17], however at present, the US-Japan Security Treaty has generally been accepted. Opinion is divided when it comes to the policies of strengthening of US-Japan security and military bases of US Forces in Japan.

Among the national papers, Yomiuri Shimbun and Sankei Shimbun have generally been positive towards the strengthening of US-Japan security and US military presence in Japan, while the Asahi Shimbun and Mainichi Shimbun have been critical. For example, in regards to the deployment of Ospreys from MCAS Futenma by US Forces in Japan, while the Yomiuri Shimbun and Sankei Shimbun were in agreement[18][19], the Asahi Shimbun and Mainichi Shimbun took the opposite position [20][21].

With regards to the relocation of MCAS Futenma to outside Okinawa Prefecture (i.e. the cancellation of the plan to relocate MCAS Futenma to Camp Schwab), the Yomiuri Shimbun and Sankei Shimbun have insisted there be no change to the plan agreed to by both governments to relocate to Henoko [22] [23], while the Mainichi Shimbun and Asahi Shimbun are cautious about the relocation of MCAS Futenma to Henoko, and advocate the base being relocated outside of the prefecture [24][25].

Even with regards to the right of “collective use of self defence,” a move that strengthen the US-Japan Security Treaty and is welcomed by the US government [26], opinion is split between newspapers that approve, such as the Yomiuri Shimbun and Sankei Shimbun, and those that are critical, such as the Asahi Shimbun and Mainichi Shimbun.

Outside national newspapers, Kyodo News and the majority of local papers that are strongly influenced by it[27][28] have taken a critical stance in a similar way to the Asahi Shimbun and Mainichi Shimbun in relation to the strengthening of the US-Japan Security Treaty and presence of US Forces in Japan. Two local newspapers in Okinawa Prefecture, The Ryukyu Shimpo and Okinawa Times, have been particularly critical, for example in relation to the deployment of Ospreys from MCAS Futenma, the base relocation to Henoko and the right to collective use of self defence [29][30]. However, even among local newspapers, a number with a strong conservative and reactionary stance such as The Hokkoku Shimbun and Ise Shimbun have often been favorable towards the strengthening of the US-Japan Security Treaty and US Forces in Japan.

Komuro Naoki, Nishibe Susumu and others have stated that, “While there are people who make a lot of noise about opposing the US-Japan Security Treaty, there are very few who have read its contents and continue to oppose it.” This is despite Nishibe at one point having been a Central Executive Committee Member in Zengakuren.

Shimizu Ikutarо̄ wrote the following ironic piece about the fate of intellectuals after the Anpo Protests of 1960 [31].

“The third problem of intellectuals after the Anpo Protests concerns a substitute. (…) At first, intellectuals dismissed the fact that the lives of the populace were enriched through the process of economic growth, but eventually, when they could no longer deny it, they abandoned the issue of poverty, and began searching for alternatives. If they did not find anything, then citizens would be happy, 'the current system' - an exceedingly vague term – would become acceptable, and what Schumpeter calls the “critical spirit” would no longer be used. What they found was the notion of 'alienation.' (…) It is a term that has been used by a small number of individuals since the pre-war era, and as rapid economic growth has progressed, it has come to be said that every Tom, Dick and Harry has experienced alienation. It was no mistake to say that the people have become richer, though they claimed that the state of alienation led to a greater unhappiness than that of poverty, and that actually, the richer the people become, the more serious the problem of alienation becomes. A great number of intellectuals began such a chorus.”

“Post-Anpo Intellectuals” featured in the magazine “Shokun!”

June 1977 edition

According to Shiraiwa Kenta, editor-in-chief of Sankei Shimbun's media platform iRONNA, a former leader of Zengakuren, who opposed Prime Minister Kishi and led the demonstrations against him, wrote a condolence message saying, “You were right,” when Kishi died, and grieved his passing [32].

1970s

Ten years after the protests of 1960, the US-Japan Security Treaty was due for automatic extension or face expiration, and in response, a movement began aiming to prevent the extension and secure an announcement of the treaty's abolition.

From 1968 to 1969, student movements run by Zenkyoto (The All-Campus Joint Struggle League) and factions of The New Left became prevalent across the country, including the student protests at University of Tokyo and Nihon University. Barricades were erected at major national and public universities as well as private universities across the country, with large scale demonstrations occurring continuously under the slogan of, “Demolish the '70 Security Treaty.”

There were extensive street conflicts when factions of The New Left engaged in a series of protests that became known as the “prelude to the 1970 Anpo Protests.” These included protests about Narita Airport in October and November 1967, demonstrations over the docking of the USS Enterprise at Sasebo in January 1968, protests on Okinawa Day in April, the anti-war Shinjuku riot in October, protests on Okinawa Day in April 1969, protests on International Anti-War Day in October, and protests over Prime Minister Satо̄'s visit to the US in November. Protesters wore helmets and were armed with Gewalt sticks and fought against riot police by throwing stones and Molotov cocktails.

On June 14, 1970, the Socialist Party, Communist Party and others held a demonstration in front of the Diet Building, as well as in 236 locations nationwide. Civic groups and various New Left factions mobilized 72,000 people, under the name of the “6/4 Anti-Indochina War and Anti-Security Treaty Great Joint Action.” However, New Left factions had already begun to run out of steam due to thorough controls brought about by the Satо̄ administration that bolstered riot police, otherwise known as protestor suppression, in addition to internal grievances. During the action over the Security Treaty in 1970, across the country, police seized as evidence 241 tons of thrown stones, 954 poisonous substances, 1,911 explosives, 18,104 Molotov cocktails, 20,428 pieces of timber and 640 iron bars [33].

On June 23, 1970, the treaty was automatically extended. The Anpo Protests of 1970, related to the anti-Vietnam War movement and opposition to Narita Airport, earned consistent support of the working class, though compared to the Anpo Protests of 1960, the demonstrations were dominated far more by the student movement, led by Zenkyoto. The revolutionary forces of the Socialist Party, Communist Party and others positioned the Anpo Protests of 1970 and movement for the return of Okinawa as a national movements, but did not dedicate as much as energy to the automatic extension of the security treaty in 1970 as they did with the Anpo Protests of 1960. A great deal of the general public supported the movement and opposed the automatic extension of the security treaty. Ultimately, internal grievances such as the clashes between Zenkyoto and Communist Party affiliated Democratic Youth League of Japan and the intensifying conflict within factions affiliated with Zenkyoto had a distancing effect, making them feel quite remote from the vast majority of ordinary citizens.

In the election of December 1969, the LDP, which supported the incumbent Satо̄ Eisaku cabinet, increased their seats in the Diet, while the Socialist Party, which had opposed the extension of the security treaty, sustained a significant defeat, losing around 50 seats, and leaving the Satо̄ administration to rule until 1972.

Even so, there are still people who continue the student movement and The New Left movement in the 21^st Century.